Yes, male dominance—often described as patriarchy, where men hold primary power in social, political, economic, and familial structures—has been a commonly noted pattern in much of human history across diverse cultures and regions, emerging prominently around 4,000 to 12,000 years ago with factors like agriculture, warfare, and the recognition of paternity. 0 2 4 8 However, it is not universal or inevitable; anthropological and historical evidence shows it as a social construct that varies by time, culture, and environment, rather than a “natural” human state. 6 31 32 35 Evolutionary perspectives suggest it arose from adaptive strategies tied to biology (e.g., hormones and reproductive roles) and economics, but these do not make it inherent or unchanging. 7

Regarding religions, male dominance is indeed commonly noted across major world faiths, particularly the monotheistic ones (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam), where masculine authority is embedded in doctrines, leadership roles, and practices—such as God being depicted in male terms, men historically permitted multiple partners while women are restricted, and women often barred from ordination or equal participation in rituals. 21 26 27 28 This pattern extends to other traditions like Hinduism and Confucianism, where gender roles often emphasize male protection, provision, and leadership, with women in supportive or idealized domestic positions. 23 25 However, it’s not absolute in all faiths or interpretations; some indigenous spiritualities and modern reform movements challenge this, and women are statistically more religiously active than men globally, though often within male-led structures. 20 22

Female leadership roles have historically been exceptions in patriarchal systems, but they are not rare outliers when viewed across all societies—examples include queens like Cleopatra in ancient Egypt or Elizabeth I in England, who ruled within male-dominated frameworks. 5 More significantly, entire societies have operated under matrilineal or matrifocal systems where women hold substantial power in inheritance, decision-making, and social organization, such as the Minangkabau of Indonesia (the world’s largest such group, with over 5 million people), the Mosuo of China, the Khasi of India, the Bribri of Costa Rica, the Akan of Ghana, and Native American groups like the Iroquois (Haudenosaunee) and Hopi. 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 19 These examples demonstrate that female-led or egalitarian structures have persisted alongside patriarchal ones, countering claims of universal male supremacy. 18 37 In summary, while male dominance has been predominant in recorded history and major religions, it is far from the only model, with female leadership representing meaningful alternatives rather than mere anomalies.

Issues of polygamy vs polyandry

Yes, it is a common observation in evolutionary psychology, cross-cultural surveys, and historical analyses that men tend to report desiring more sexual partners than women, often attributed to adaptive reproductive strategies where males maximize offspring through variety while females prioritize quality and investment due to higher parental costs. 9 12 16 This pattern, sometimes called the “Coolidge effect,” has been documented in large-scale studies across dozens of countries, showing men exhibiting higher sociosexuality (openness to casual sex and multiple partners) with consistent sex differences that hold universally, though the magnitude can vary by culture. 2 5 7 For instance, a 48-nation study found large, cross-culturally stable gaps, with men more willing to engage in short-term mating. 7 Similar findings emerge in 45-country analyses of mate preferences and a 37-culture examination of partner traits, where heterosexual men prioritize physical attractiveness and novelty more than women, who emphasize resources and commitment. 1 2 3 These observations span diverse faiths (e.g., Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, folk religions) and regions, from Western societies to those in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, suggesting a broad historical and global trend rather than strict universality. 0 5 19

However, this is not without exceptions or criticisms—evolutionary explanations are debated as potentially oversimplifying social influences, and some studies note that women can show comparable desires in contexts of gender equality or when controlling for stigma, though overall differences persist. 4 11 13 14 In world history, patriarchal norms in many cultures amplified male-driven polygyny (one man, multiple wives), aligning with this desire, but matrilineal societies sometimes inverted or equalized dynamics. 6 18

Regarding polyandry (one woman, multiple husbands), it is indeed a rare phenomenon compared to polygyny or monogamy, occurring in fewer than 1% of documented human societies historically and today, often in resource-scarce environments like the Himalayas or parts of Tibet, where it serves economic purposes such as land preservation among brothers. 19 20 21 25 While not as rare as once thought—anthropological surveys identify it in at least 43 societies worldwide, including in Asia (e.g., Tibet, Nepal), Africa (e.g., certain Nigerian groups), and indigenous Americas—it remains exceptional, most prevalent in egalitarian or matrilineal cultures rather than major civilizations. 24 26 27 Across faiths, no major religion explicitly endorses polyandry; instead, polygyny is permitted or historically practiced in Islam (up to four wives, if treated fairly), Hinduism (ancient texts allow it for men), Judaism (banned in Ashkenazi tradition but not Sephardic until recently), and early Christianity (Old Testament examples like Abraham, though later discouraged), while polyandry is universally prohibited or absent in doctrines, reflecting broader male-centric marital norms. 28 29 30 32 34 35 36 In summary, male desire for more partners is a well-substantiated pattern with deep historical roots, while polyandry stands as a notable but infrequent counterexample in human mating systems.